This work investigates and compares nominal expressive suffixes in Russian and Greek within the framework of Distributed Morphology. It shows that, although the suffixes under investigation share the same expressive meaning, they differ significantly in their syntactic structure, namely in the manner and place of attachment in the syntactic tree. More specifically, in both languages expressive suffixes can attach either as heads or as modifiers and, furthermore, they may occupy various syntactic positions. This illustrates that, despite their uniformity at semantic level, expressive suffixes exhibit variation with respect to their syntactic structuring both within and across languages.

This paper addresses the issue of the relationship holding between abstract and morphological case by examining differential case marking in Asia Mi- nor Greek. Asia Minor Greek dialects have nominative–accusative case systems with overt case exponents; significantly, in these dialects definiteness affects the case marking of the argument either by forcing it to appear in a default case or by marking the relevant definiteness specification by means of a certain (mor- phologically overt) case. I argue that these phenomena do not derive from functional factors, such as the typicality of subject/object, distinctiveness or iconicity, and I present evidence that the relevant abstract Case is always licensed on DP-arguments in these dialects, even in differential case marking situations, and that the surface morphological case is conditioned by morphological factors. Based on this evidence, I claim that differential case marking in such systems is morphological in nature and derives from postsyntactic impoverishment rules at Morphological Structure that affect the feature constitution of the case terminal node resulting in its differentiating exponence and the non-isomorphism between abstract and morphological case.

Greek exhibits dialectal and diachronic variation in the cliticization pattern of weak pronouns. In Standard Modern Greek, clitics are strictly preverbal with finite non- imperative verb forms, whereas in the southeastern dialects, as well as in Byzantine and Medieval Greek, clitics seem to obey a second position requirement, since they are preverbal when a function word precedes the verb and postverbal otherwise. A comparison with the adverbal Romance cliticization system and the second position cliticization system of Slavic languages reveals that Greek clitics are neither C- nor v*-related elements and cliticization involves clitic movement to the T-layer. We further argue that the attested variation results from the ways PF (Phonetic Form) processes the syntactic output of this movement. Finally, we show that the two systems are diachronically related to each other by means of a prosodic reanalysis that resulted in the evolution of the non-second position system of Standard Modern Greek from the second position system of Medieval Greek.

In this article we examine patterns of root allomorphy in Greek that involve vowel alternations and propose a Generalized Non-linear Affixation (Bermúdez-Otero 2012) analysis according to which these alternations result from the competition between segments that belong, on the one hand, to the vocabulary items of roots and, on the other, to the exponents of functional heads (Voice/Aspect, n). More specifically, we claim that phonological entities have a gradient degree of presence in a structure, that is, are specified with a certain activation strength value underlyingly (Smolensky and Goldrick 2016). As a result, the surface realization of roots is determined by the relevant activation level of the exponents of functional heads they are eventually combined with. From all available exponents, the one that optimally complements the strength value of the vocabulary item of a given root will eventually surface. Our analysis is shown to be theoretically advantageous because it develops a strictly phonological account of allomorphy and, moreover, it captures the attested generalizations without resorting to extensive stem/span listing or to the application of phonologically unrestricted readjustment rules.

This article examines the nominal inflectional system of a group of Asia Minor Greek dialects (Dawkins 1910, 1916), which developed, in parallel with the fusional inflectional system, an agglutinative one due to language contact with Turkish. We argue that the ‘old’ fusional ending or the theme vowel was reanalyzed as part of the nominal stem. This novel structure was actualized by means of two competing options: in some dialects, the reanalysis was actualized transparently in all inflectional forms rendering an agglutinative pattern of inflection, whereas in dialects with limited agglutination the actualization took the form of a special type of vowel assimilation. More specifically, as part of the nominal stem, the ‘old’ theme vowel signals its merge with the root by allowing it to absorb some or all of its features. Formally, the phonological process is treated as an instance of indirect licensing (Walker 2011), according to which the theme vowel acts as a trigger due to its privileged position as a segment of the categorizer n, i.e. the head of the stem.

There is little morphological evidence for little v as a verbalizing head in the literature. Greek, however, exhibits systematic verbalizing morphology and provides us with a strong case study for a robust morphophonological manifestation of the verbalizing v head. Evidence comes from the second-conjugation verbs (e.g., aɣap-ó ‘I love’, ster-ó ‘I deprive’), which display certain distinct morphophonological properties: (a) they take a vocalic extension in certain forms (e.g., aɣáp-i-s-a ‘I loved’) and (b) they exhibit post-root stress, unlike other verb forms (e.g., miní-o ‘I sue’, pal-év-o ‘I fight’). Following Spyropoulos et al. (2015), we argue that both characteristics reflect the morphophonological effects of the exponence of a verbalizing head v by means of an empty vocalic element  V. Furthermore, we provide evidence that a set of verbalizers, almost exclusively identified with a number of derivational suffixes (e.g., -ev, -iz, -(i)az, -on, -ar and -en), are also exponents of this verbalizing v head which is distinct from Voice, is not correlated with agentivity, transitivity and inner aspect / Aktionsart, and, more importantly, do not follow the second conjugation pattern. We propose that the abstract vocalic slot and the verbal derivational suffixes compete for the same morphosyntactic position and that they are both exponents of the verbalizing head v. 

This article explores patterns of accentuation that are profoundly af- fected by the morphosyntactic structure and, especially, by the way the constituents of a word are assembled and concomitantly processed by the PF component. We first review well-known cases of stress-affecting affixation in English from various theoretical perspectives in order to discover key aspects of the architectural and/or lexical item-specific conditions that instigate accentual dominance, that is, the attraction of stress by certain morphological constituents. We propose a path of analysis along the lines of Embick’s (2014) phase-based approach to the morphosyntax/phonology interface, according to which the ability of the exponent of a morpheme to trigger a cyclic phonological rule (phonological cyclicity) is dissociated from the phase status of the morpheme (phase cyclicity) and becomes an unpredictable property of its exponent. Based on an examination of the more intricate pat- terns of accentual dominance exhibited by a group of lexical stress systems—namely Greek, Vedic Sanskrit and Yakima Sahaptin—we propose that dominance emanates from both the architectural properties of the Grammar and the idiosyncratic lexical properties of the exponents of the morphosyntactic constituents, but not in a totally arbitrary way as predicted by Embick’s approach. Notably, our study reveals that a set of significant, so far unnoticed, implicational relations between phasehood and phonological cyclicity apply: No system has dominant exponents of non-phase heads without having dominant exponents of phase heads; and, moreover, no system has dominant accentless exponents without having dominant accented ones.

In this article we provide evidence that the verbalizing v head in Greek has a morphological exponence in many more verbs than is apparent. Although, at first sight, verbs in the traditional second conjugation inflectional class (which exhibit non-root stress, e.g., aɣap-ó ‘I love’, poθ-ó ‘I desire’) do not seem to contain an overt piece of verbalizing morphology, we show that they take a vocalic extension consisting of an abstract vocalic slot. This slot, which can either be filled in with vocalic material or remain empty, undertakes the function of a verbalizer. Two major gains of this analysis is that it provides solid evidence for a v head as a verbalizer and not as a composite Voice-verbalizing head and that it proposes a unified treatment of the Greek verb morphology without extensively retreating to stem allomorphy.

In this paper we explore the interaction of discourse properties in the syntax of small clauses from a cross-linguistic perspective. In line with Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) idea that phasal properties should be extended to all phases, we argue for a strict parallelism between C-T and v-V, suggesting that v enters the derivation with both agreement and discourse features. These features may be inherited by V depending on the relevant language. Building on Miyagawa (2010) and Jimenez-Fernandez (2010), we claim that in Spanish and Greek, in contrast with English, both agreement and discourse features are inherited by V. This strategy accounts for the different order rearrangements detected in small clauses. The proposal can easily be extended to other languages such as Italian, Serbo-Croatian, Russian and Ukrainian, as opposed to French, Norwegian, Afrikaans and German.

In this paper we propose a feature-based analysis of Cappadocian Greek nominal inflection. In particular, based on the formal description of Standard Greek nominal inflection by Ralli (2000), we identify the inflectional formatives and analyse them as bundles of features expressing number, case, animacy and inflectional class. The feature specification of each ending determines its distribution in the relevant variety. Similarly, inflectional classes are defined on the basis of (a) the compatibility of a given noun with an inflectional pattern and (b) the base alternations it exhibits. Such an approach has the advantage of accounting for the variation in base formation and for the agglutinative inflectional patterns by means of systematic base allomorphy and default formatives.

Case matching effects involve situations where a nominal element appears in a case that is not predicted by its syntactic status in its clause, but rather matches the case requirements of an external element. Such constructions pose serious problems for syntactic accounts of case in terms of a syntactic Case feature, because they involve a situation of case conflict/mismatch. In this article, I address the issue of case assignment/realization by examining case attraction phenomena in Greek free relative clauses. In particular, I suggest an analysis that builds on the idea that case categories are not primitives, but rather they can be decomposed in bundles of features and I propose a division of labour between narrow syntax and Morphological Structure as far as case assignment/realization is concerned. Case assignment takes place in narrow syntax as a licensing device (abstract case), but it refers only to those features that are relevant to the distinction between structural and inherent case. The full specification of the case feature bundle takes place in the Morphological Structure as a result of the application of specific case assignment algorithms defined in terms of case domains and hierarchies. At a theoretical level, such a hypothesis has the benefit of incorporating the insights about the role of case determination at Morphological Structure, as well as maintaining the well-established notion of abstract case as a licensing device of narrow syntax.

The optional use of morphology attested in second language learners has been attributed either to a representational deficit or to a ‘surface’ problem with respect to the realization of inflectional affixes. In this article we contribute to this issue by providing empirical data from the early interlanguage of Greek learners of Turkish. Three experiments have been conducted, a cloze task, a sentence picture matching task and an on-line grammaticality judgement task, in order to investigate case morphology and its interaction with word order constraints.The findings of all three experiments point towards a variable use of case morphology, which is also observed in previous studies of Turkish as a second language (L2). Moreover, they show clearly that the learners face difficulties with non-canonical word orders as well as with the interaction of word order constraints and Case. On the other hand, the learners performed well on verbal inflections. On the basis of these findings, we argue that the developmental patterns in the early stages of L2 acquisition cannot be attributed to a global lack of functional categories but rather to more localized difficulties, which seem to be related to (a) whether the features in the L2 are grammaticalized in the first language and (b) the way these features are encoded in the morphosyntax of the first language. Moreover, we claim that processing factors and the specific properties of the morphological paradigms affect L2 development.

In this paper, we challenge the left-dislocation analysis of preverbal subjects in Greek on the basis of interpretative, syntactic and prosodic evidence. We propose that the derivation of subjects in Greek involves a movement operation which targets an EPP Spec,TP position. This movement operation creates a sequence of copies, the pronunciation and interpretation of which hinges on certain PF and LF requirements. Crucially, the linearization of this sequence of copies on the basis of independently existent PF principles derives the surface distribution of Greek subjects and accounts for its possible patterns of variation.

Current approaches to syntactic derivation capitalize on the notion of syntactic cycles either in the sense of phases (Chomsky 2000) or derivational cascades (Uriagereka 1999). Such models raise some interesting issues regarding the way in which phonology processes the syntactic output. In this paper we propose that the derivational status of syntactic material is reflected on the way PF organizes the output of syntax into phonological phrases. More specifically, based on evidence from the prosodification of clitic-doubled DP-objects in Greek, we argue that elements which exhibit derivational islandhood form independent phonological phrases and, significantly, are impervious to PF restructuring mechanisms. We further explore the limits of this isomorphism by investigating the derivational and prosodic status of preverbal Greek subjects and conclude that their syntactic non-islandhood is matched by an analogous behavior at the PF since they are subject to restructuring. This particular type of isomorphism provides empirical justification for drawing a distinction between two different implementations of Spell-Out, as originally proposed in Uriagereka (1999).

In this paper, we review the basic morphosyntactic and phonological properties of object clitic pro- nouns in Standard Greek. More specifically, we discuss the constraints on the combinatorial properties of clitic clusters and present evidence in support of the out-of-cycle adjunct status of clitic-doubled DP-objects. We then account for the distribution of object clitics with respect to the verb by means of a cliticization movement rule. Finally, we show that there is an asymmetry in the way object clitics are prosodically organized, depending on their position in relation to the verb. Being always a part of the phonological word of their verbal host, enclitics choose to incorporate to it whereas proclitics opt for prosodic adjunction.

This paper investigates the correlation between control and finiteness in Greek subjunctive clauses. It is shown that the main control pattern is Partial Control (PC) and that Exhaustive Control (EC) is very limited and occurs only with Anaphoric Subjunctives. On the basis of evidence from distribution and case agreement, it is claimed that Greek subjunctive T is finite, so that it always checks nominative case on the subject, even in EC constructions. It is therefore argued that control in Greek subjunctives cannot be accounted for by a PRO or a movement/Agree approach, because (i) the attested control pattern does not exhibit the properties of control as predicted by these approaches and (ii) their licensing conditions are not met. Additional crucial evidence is presented from constructions where control is attested over a lexical (either pronoun or DP) subject or even an object clitic. Thus, it is claimed that control in Greek subjunctive clauses is not the result of the licensing of the properties of their subject, but it derives from the licensing of their special temporal properties and from the semantic requirements of the main predicate.

In this paper I investigate the relation between agreement checking and case licensing. I consider two constructions from Greek: (a) obligatory case agreement between the nominal predicate and the DP of which it is predicated in small clause structures, (b) nominative case assignment to subjects. Both constructions share the property of involving multiple case-assignment with two nominal elements that agree in case. I draw a distinction between case assignment and case agreement and show that case licensing is possible even in agreement pairs that do not involve a case assigning head. Therefore, I propose that case is not the by-product of agreement checking, but a feature subject to checking theory in the same way other phi-features are.

This paper traces the steps in the changes of the Greek mood system, from the morphological one of Classical Greek, where mood was fused with tense and agreement within INFL, to the more syntactic one of Modern Greek, where mood occupies its own projection of MOODP. We show how the catastrophic loss of the morphological marking of the mood distinctions in the verb ending during the transition from Classical Greek to Hellenistic Koine was followed by (i) the emergence of a separate projection of a functional category MOOD inside the Comp-layer hosting the subjunctive/ indicative mood features followed by (ii) the grammaticalization of the conjunction hina to the subjunctive mood particle na and its transference from the C head to the separate MOOD head located between the C and the INFL heads and (iii) the subsequent relocation of the imperative from the INFL head to the MOOD head. We show that our analysis is consistent with the theories claiming that syntactic change is associated with formal features and the fixing of parameters.

Arbitrary null-subject constructions are a common property of null- subject languages. Their semantic and syntactic properties have been studied in the Principles and Parameters framework and have been attributed to the assignment of an arbitrary index at the Logical Form as a consequence of their licensing by the interaction of theta and case theory at the level of Deep Structure. In this paper we review the semantic and syntactic properties of arbitrary null-subjects in Greek and we try to analyse these properties in terms of the more general licensing principles of null-subjects and indefiniteness.

In the present study we examine the notion ‘subject’ in finite clauses in Greek, a null-subject language, and we investigate the connection between the rich morphological marking of subject-agreement on the verb and the definition of this notion. We propose that ‘subject’ in Greek should be analysed as a discontinuous element which consists of a null nominal element in the SpecTP position satisfying the Extended Projection Principle (EPP), associated with a pro at the relevant theta-position inside the VP. We argue that this analysis has not only the theoretical advantage of maintaining the universally strong value of EPP, but also, perhaps more importantly, the descriptive advantage of providing a satisfactory explanation for a number of apparent idiosyncrasies of Greek constructions.